Six Questions for Senator Edward Kennedy on the Iraq “Civil War” and the Democrats

By Ken Silverstein

Senator Edward Kennedy has served in the Senate for more than forty years and is a longstanding leader of the Democratic Party's dwindling liberal wing. Earlier this month, the Senate passed an amendment, which had been proposed by Kennedy, that requires the Bush Administration to prepare a new National Intelligence Estimate on Iraq. The Senator recently agreed to answer a series of questions about Iraq and the state of the Democratic Party, but his office proposed that it be done by email because of his busy schedule. I agreed on the condition that the Senator—not his press office—write the replies. Kennedy was forthright in criticizing the administration's policies in Iraq; he was less so in responding to questions about his own party, where his replies were disappointingly vague and formulaic.

1. Do you believe Iraq is in a state of civil war? And what is your position as to whether American troops should be withdrawn from the country?

At every step of the way, the administration has misunderstood what's going on in Iraq. They missed the threat of the insurgency. They missed the need to provide armor for our troops. They missed the increasing threat posed by improvised explosive devices. They missed the terrible cost to America's reputation from our practices at Abu Ghraib and elsewhere. And now they are missing the fact there is civil war in Iraq. This refusal to accept the reality of the situation in Iraq has led the administration into a “stay the course” approach in Iraq that is a terrible mistake. I voted against the war, and I consider it my best vote. More than a year ago, I said the best strategy for success in Iraq was to set clear goals for reducing our troop presence there. I believed then, as I believe now, that a substantial American military presence serves as a crutch to the Iraqi government and inflames the conflict. If we want the Iraqi government to succeed, they need to take responsibility for their future. The alternative is escalating violence, with American troops caught in a crossfire between warring factions.

2. The war in Iraq began more than three years ago, and no evidence has emerged that Saddam Hussein's regime had WMDs or that Hussein had operational ties to Al Qaeda. Did President Bush and other administration officials lie to the American public in making the case for the war in Iraq, or did they believe their arguments?

The administration wanted to invade Iraq, and they put a spin on the available intelligence to justify their policy. Now that their arguments for the war have been proved untrue, they have a special responsibility to be candid about the challenges we face and to be open to the need to change course. Instead, this administration has continued to hide the truth about the facts in Iraq and to mischaracterize and vilify those who propose a way to achieve success in Iraq.

3. You opposed Condoleezza Rice's confirmation as secretary of state. Has her performance in that post changed your mind about her suitability for the job?

Secretary Rice's performance benefits greatly from being compared to the miserable record of the Bush foreign policy team as a whole. Unlike too many in senior positions, she sometimes seems to understand the need to work with our allies in meeting common goals, and her decision to alter our unproductive approach toward Iran was an important one. However, the Secretary bears responsibility for the many failures of the Bush foreign policy, including the mounting risks posed by Iran and North Korea, the failure to secure nuclear weapons in the former Soviet Union, and the administration's fumbling response to the Israeli–Lebanon crisis. And on the international issue that concerns most Americans—the war in Iraq—she and the Bush team continue to pursue the policies that have led to thousands of deaths and very little progress. The American people want success in Iraq and they know that staying our present course cannot accomplish that goal. That's why so many Republicans and Democrats in Congress are calling for change as they face the voters in November.

4. You also opposed the war in Iraq, but a majority of Democratic senators voted to authorize the use of force against Iraq. Aren't the Democrats culpable along with the administration for the failures in Iraq? And while it's easier to criticize the war today, didn't the Democrats' failure to oppose the invasion back in 2002 stem in part from political cowardice?

America never should have gone to war in Iraq when we did, the way we did, and for the false reasons we were given by this administration. President Bush bears full responsibility for the decision to send American troops to war and for incompetently managing the war ever since. He has made the false claim that Democrats saw all of the relevant intelligence even though he has still not shared with Congress or the American people the Presidential Daily Briefings on Iraq that he received from the intelligence community.

5. You were elected to the Senate in 1962. How do you rate this administration, compared with others you've seen, during that time?

This administration pursues the politics of division and fear instead of the politics of hope and progress. Its go-it-alone policies have shattered the alliances that have kept us strong. Its efforts to undermine Social Security, Medicare, college aid, and the minimum wage have weakened our common commitment to our seniors, our workers, and our young people. At no point in my time in the Senate have I seen an administration so out of step with the challenges of the time. I believe that's why we see so many Republicans running away from the administration's record as they face the voters in November.

6. Many left-of-center Democrats feel that the Democratic Party has been taken over by big money and on many key issues is barely distinguishable from the G.O.P. Other than going for the lesser of two evils, is there any real reason for progressives to vote Democratic?

The Democratic Party is the party of the common good, and we believe that it's our responsibility to make America live up to its highest ideals at home and abroad. This stands in stark contrast to prevailing view of Republicans in power today, who've allowed special interests and big money to trump the public interest on issue after issue—from stem-cell research to the minimum wage to global warming—and who've recklessly adhered to a right-wing ideology that has undermined our security and damaged our reputation throughout the world.