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Most Americans know that America has 160,000-plus soldiers in Iraq today; fewer know that this number is cruising upwards and will top 200,000 before the summer ends. And very few know that in addition to the uniformed service personnel, the “total force commitment,” to quote former Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld, includes some 100,000 military contractors. Some of those contractors perform the functions traditionally associated with camp-followers – cooks, entertainment, logistical support. But others perform core military functions. They are, in essence, contract soldiers – or, to use the disfavored but time-honored expression, mercenaries.
For years I have tracked accounts of violence involving the Bush administration’s private-contractor army in Iraq and Afghanistan. It can be placed generally in three folders: contractor-on-civilian violence (in Baghdad an everyday occurrence, and in Kabul an increasingly common occurrence); contractor-on-contractor violence (as the standoff I personally experienced in Baghdad on April 5, 2006 between two security contractor units); and contractor-on-military violence. The last of these three categories is the most disturbing in some respects because it highlights a sensitive fact: the military contractors are outside of the chain of military command and they frequently flout directions of the military. One U.S. officer in Iraq described a prominent military contractor to me as “jackasses with assault rifles,” and noted how they regularly disregarded instructions from field officers and skirted all efforts to hold them to account.
Sunday’s Washington Post has an important report which needs to be studied carefully. It records a series of incidents, still only hazily understood, in which employees of the highest profile of the contract soldier companies, Blackwater, fired on civilians in Baghdad and then became embroiled in a two-day firefight with the Iraqi Army. The account given exemplifies each of the issues surrounding contractors in Iraq that I outlined. And it presents a critical test for oversight for the U.S. Forces in Iraq. Can they look into and resolve this? Or are the contractors still shielded by their cronies in Washington?
More from Scott Horton:
Conversation — March 30, 2016, 3:44 pm
Joseph Hickman discusses his new book, The Burn Pits, which tells the story of thousands of U.S. soldiers who, after returning from Iraq and Afghanistan, have developed rare cancers and respiratory diseases.
In Havana, the past year has been marked by a parade of bold-faced names from the north — John Kerry reopening the United States Embassy; Andrew Cuomo bringing a delegation of American business leaders; celebrities ranging from Joe Torre, traveling on behalf of Major League Baseball to oversee an exhibition game between the Tampa Bay Rays and the Cuban national team, to Jimmy Buffett, said to be considering opening one of his Margaritaville restaurants there. All this culminated with a three-day trip in March by Barack Obama, the first American president to visit Cuba since Calvin Coolidge in 1928. But to those who know the city well, perhaps nothing said as much about the transformation of political relations between the United States and Cuba that began in December 2014 as a concert in the Tribuna Antiimperialista.
Amount traders on the Philadelphia Stock Exchange can be fined for fighting, per punch:
Philadelphian teenagers who want to lose weight also tend to drink too much soda, whereas Bostonian teenagers who drink too much soda are likelier to carry guns.
Nuremberg’s Neues Museum filed a criminal complaint against a 91-year-old woman who completed a crossword puzzle that was in fact a $116,000 piece of avant-garde Danish art.
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“Matt was happy enough to sustain himself on the detritus of a world he saw as careening toward self-destruction, and equally happy to scam a government he despised. 'I’m glad everyone’s so wasteful,' he told me. 'It supports my lifestyle.'”