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Today’s Washington Post contains another in the now seemingly endless number of installments portraying the quality of justice that the Bush Justice Department deals out to its corporate sponsors. A half dozen episodes have already been presented, involving insurers and pharmaceutical companies most prominently. The consistent pattern is that these companies are peopled by figures who make significant donations to the GOP, command access to the White House and to the upper reaches of the Bush bureaucracy, including the Department of Justice, and get “special treatment.”
In cases out of Missouri and Virginia, we saw previously how prosecutors who went after corporate donors in cases driven by fraud and public health concerns, found themselves removed from the case or simply fired—evidence of the long political reach of the corporate sponsors.
But today’s story involves the manufacturer of Rush Limbaugh’s favorite recreational drug, OxyContin. Here’s the gist, courtesy of WaPo’s Amy Goldstein and Carrie Johnson:
The night before the government secured a guilty plea from the manufacturer of the addictive painkiller OxyContin, a senior Justice Department official called the U.S. attorney handling the case and, at the behest of an executive for the drugmaker, urged him to slow down, the prosecutor told the Senate Judiciary Committee yesterday.
John L. Brownlee, the U.S. attorney in Roanoke, testified that he was at home the evening of Oct. 24 when he received the call on his cellphone from Michael J. Elston, then chief of staff to the deputy attorney general and one of the Justice aides involved in the removal of nine U.S. attorneys last year.
Brownlee settled the case anyway. Eight days later, his name appeared on a list compiled by Elston of prosecutors that officials had suggested be fired.
So as the Justice Department brings bogus corruption charges against Democrats, arguing that they have taken political donations for appointments and favors, the Justice Department is directing its own prosecutorial efforts on what looks suspiciously like political donations and favors. Now that’s corruption, on both fronts.
More from Scott Horton:
Six Questions — October 18, 2014, 8:00 pm
Nathaniel Raymond on CIA interrogation techniques.
I recently spent a semester teaching writing at an elite liberal-arts college. At strategic points around the campus, in shades of yellow and green, banners displayed the following pair of texts. The first was attributed to the college’s founder, which dates it to the 1920s. The second was extracted from the latest version of the institution’s mission statement:
The paramount obligation of a college is to develop in its students the ability to think clearly and independently, and the ability to live confidently, courageously, and hopefully.
Let us take a moment to compare these texts. The first thing to observe about the older one is that it is a sentence. It expresses an idea by placing concepts in relation to one another within the kind of structure that we call a syntax. It is, moreover, highly wrought: a parallel structure underscored by repetition, five adverbs balanced two against three.
Percentage of Britons who cannot name the city that provides the setting for the musical Chicago:
An Australian entrepreneur was selling oysters raised in tanks laced with Viagra.
A naked man believed to be under the influence of LSD rammed his pickup truck into two police cars.
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“Shelby is waiting for something. He himself does not know what it is. When it comes he will either go back into the world from which he came, or sink out of sight in the morass of alcoholism or despair that has engulfed other vagrants.”