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This past weekend, a press story out of Moscow raised considerably more attention in the West than in the Russian media. Russian police announced the arrest of Vladimir Nekrasov, the owner of the Russian cosmetics chain Arbat Prestige. That got significant play in the Russian press, but was less important for the Western media than a small detail in the Russian report: seized along with him was a business consultant named Sergei Schnaider. That was a pseudonym of Semyon Mogilevich, perhaps the most mysterious, darkest and most feared of the Russian organized crime kingpins. Mogilevich’s mug is not well known (below, courtesy of the FBI), but he weighs in near 300 pounds and is 5’6”.
Steve LeVine gives some flavor surrounding Mogilevich’s latest exploits:
Mogilevich, who has been on the FBI most-wanted list for years, was arrested last Thursday on tax charges in Moscow. Russian authorities said they had long been looking for Mogilevich, who has lived for years in plain sight in the Russian capital. There is much conjecture on why he was arrested just now. Some of it involves supposed efforts to unwind the shadowy natural gas trade between Russia and Ukraine, in which Mogilevich appeared to have a role.
Quite a number of people have tried to track Mogilevich’s dealings with respect to the Russian-Ukrainian energy deal for good reason. His name crops up at every turn, always buried down deep under many layers of shell companies and foreign lawyers with powers of attorney. And Mogilevich is famous for reacting violently—very violently—when people attempt to research him. For instance, the Village Voice’s Robert Friedman worked extensively on a series of pieces tracking Mogilevich’s operations, and his penetration of the U.S. market, and came under attack by Mogilevich in return. The CIA claims that Mogilevich tried to assassinate Friedman. Another figure who has spent much of his career studying Mogilevich, former FBI agent Robert Levinson, has gone missing under mysterious circumstances.
Last April, the Wall Street Journal reported that Mogilevich had tapped high priced public relations agents and lawyers to help him stop the pending criminal proceedings in the United States.
Apart from Mogilevich’s assumed role in it, the Russian-Ukrainian energy deal has been one of the most politically charged commercial dealings in recent memory. It has played a pivotal role in relations between the two largest Soviet successor states, and to call it an “irritant” would be a gross understatement. The question that the political opposition in Ukraine (which has now formed the government there) long put was simple: how could one of the world’s most feared organized crime kingpins find himself right at the center of the most important commercial transaction between two sovereign states?
Throughout this period, as LeVine notes, Mogilevich moved about freely and was seen at glitzy watering holes in Moscow, Kiev, Budapest and in Israel—notwithstanding the outstanding FBI arrest warrant and Interpol requests. This suggests rather strongly that he had protectors within the Russian Government at a minimum. But his arrest and the charges brought against him suggest that the winds are now blowing from another direction. It might suggest that Mogilevich’s Russian government protectors are now on the outs, or it might just be that the Kremlin has decided that the path to better relations with Ukraine (and possibly also Britain) involves putting Mogilevich in a jail cell.
More from Scott Horton:
Six Questions — October 18, 2014, 8:00 pm
Nathaniel Raymond on CIA interrogation techniques.
Mark Denbeaux on the NCIS cover-up of three “suicides” at Guantánamo Bay Detention Camp
From the June 2014 issue
For the past three years my dosimeter had sat silently on a narrow shelf just inside the door of a house in Tokyo, upticking its final digit every twenty-four hours by one or two, the increase never failing — for radiation is the ruthless companion of time. Wherever we are, radiation finds and damages us, at best imperceptibly. During those three years, my American neighbors had lost sight of the accident at Fukushima. In March 2011, a tsunami had killed hundreds, or thousands; yes, they remembered that. Several also recollected the earthquake that caused it, but as for the hydrogen explosion and containment breach at Nuclear Plant No. 1, that must have been fixed by now — for its effluents no longer shone forth from our national news. Meanwhile, my dosimeter increased its figure, one or two digits per day, more or less as it would have in San Francisco — well, a trifle more, actually. And in Tokyo, as in San Francisco, people went about their business, except on Friday nights, when the stretch between the Kasumigaseki and Kokkai-Gijido-mae subway stations — half a dozen blocks of sidewalk, which commenced at an antinuclear tent that had already been on this spot for more than 900 days and ended at the prime minister’s lair — became a dim and feeble carnival of pamphleteers and Fukushima refugees peddling handicrafts.
One Friday evening, the refugees’ half of the sidewalk was demarcated by police barriers, and a line of officers slouched at ease in the street, some with yellow bullhorns hanging from their necks. At the very end of the street, where the National Diet glowed white and strange behind other buildings, a policeman set up a microphone, then deployed a small video camera in the direction of the muscular young people in drums against fascists jackets who now, at six-thirty sharp, began chanting: “We don’t need nuclear energy! Stop nuclear power plants! Stop them, stop them, stop them! No restart! No restart!” The police assumed a stiffer stance; the drumming and chanting were almost uncomfortably loud. Commuters hurried past along the open space between the police and the protesters, staring straight ahead, covering their ears. Finally, a fellow in a shabby sweater appeared, and murmured along with the chants as he rounded the corner. He was the only one who seemed to sympathize; few others reacted at all.
Number of U.S. congressional districts in which trade with China has produced more jobs than it has cost:
Young bilingual children who learned one language first are likelier than monolingual children and bilingual children who learned languages simultaneously to say that a dog adopted by owls will hoot.
An Oklahoma legislative committee voted to defund Advanced Placement U.S. History courses, accusing the curriculum of portraying the United States as “a nation of oppressors and exploiters.”
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