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Back in 2000 construction began on a $3.7 billion pipeline running from oil fields in southern Chad to the Atlantic coast of Cameroon. An international consortium led by ExxonMobil and ChevronTexaco, promised the project would be a model for Third World energy projects, and would alleviate poverty in Chad and promote political reform and stability.
The controversial project proceeded with the enthusiastic backing of the do-gooders at the World Bank. “World Bank involvement will ensure greater public consultation, local participation, and attention to environmental and other socio-economic issues,” said a rosy statement released during the project’s early days.
The project was completed a few years ago and there appears to have been little or no poverty reduction in Chad since the oil began flowing, governmental corruption is worse than ever, and there’s been no political reform. Oh, and Chad is now at war as rebels seek to overthrow the government of President Idriss Deby, a warlord who seized power nearly two decades ago. “Tanks rolled through Chad’s capital on Sunday, turning the streets into a battle zone between the government and rebels littered with bodies,” said an AP story.
Curiously, news reports make almost no mention of the pipeline project, despite it being one of the biggest development projects in Africa in recent memory, the role of the two American oil companies, and the extravagant claims made by the World Bank. I don’t know much about the rebels and they surely aren’t angels. They are apparently backed by the government of Sudan and one would suspect that they’re itching to get their own hands on pipeline-generated oil revenues. But Deby’s corruption and the failure of the pipeline project to reduce poverty have probably helped them try to build support.
I traveled to Chad five years ago during construction of the pipeline, and even then it was clear that all the flowery rhetoric of oil companies and the World Bank was the worst kind of nonsense. Beneath the whole project was a fundamentally flawed premise: that providing billions of dollars in oil revenues to a corrupt dictator was somehow going to produce political reform and good government.
During that visit I spoke with Bank officials and oil company executives who said with a straight face that Deby would relinquish power since he wanted the “model” pipeline project to be seen as his legacy. Of course, Deby refused to step down as promised—and why would he? For years he’d presided over one of the world’s poorest countries with a national treasury barely worth plundering. Now, just as the oil money was getting ready to flow, he would pick an honorable legacy over cold cash?
The oil pipeline project surely isn’t the direct cause of the war in Chad, but the political instability that has followed in its wake is hardly a surprise.
More from Ken Silverstein:
Commentary — November 17, 2015, 6:41 pm
The Clintons’ so-called charitable enterprise has served as a vehicle to launder money and to enrich family friends.
Freddie Gray’s relatives arrived for the trial in the afternoon, after the prep-school kids had left. By their dress, they seemed to have just gotten off work in the medical and clerical fields. The family did not appear at ease in the courtroom. They winced and dropped their heads as William Porter and his fellow officer Zachary Novak testified to opening the doors of their police van last April and finding Freddie paralyzed, unresponsive, with mucus pooling at his mouth and nose. Four women and one man mournfully listened as the officers described needing to get gloves before they could touch him.
The first of six Baltimore police officers to be brought before the court for their treatment of Freddie Gray, a black twenty-five-year-old whose death in their custody was the immediate cause of the city’s uprising last spring, William Porter is young, black, and on trial. Here in this courtroom, in this city, in this nation, race and the future seem so intertwined as to be the same thing.
Average speed of Heinz ketchup, from the mouth of an upended bottle, in miles per year:
After studying the fall of 64,000 individual raindrops, scientists found that some small raindrops fall faster than they ought to.
The Playboy mansion in California was bought by the heir to the Twinkie fortune, and a New Mexico man set fire to his apartment to protest his neighbors’ loud lovemaking.
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“Matt was happy enough to sustain himself on the detritus of a world he saw as careening toward self-destruction, and equally happy to scam a government he despised. 'I’m glad everyone’s so wasteful,' he told me. 'It supports my lifestyle.'”