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Under the administration of George W. Bush, the Department of Justice was converted into an extension of the Republican Party and its massive resources were redirected to serve the party’s electoral agenda. A major part of this transformation, overseen by Bush’s deputy chief of staff and senior political advisor Karl Rove, involved using the Public Integrity Section and cooperating U.S. attorneys to systematically target Democratic political figures during election cycles. Here is a snippet from a forthcoming documentary that addresses a number of largely unknown cases. Nearly every one of these cases was brought in a state which Karl Rove designated as a “battleground” because the margin of victory in the 2000 election had been three percent or less. Similarly, almost every case was assigned to a judge appointed by George W. Bush who adopted a very friendly disposition towards the prosecution.
As the Bush team prepares to depart, the House Judiciary Committee has committed itself to pursue investigations relating to a long list of politically motivated prosecutions brought by Bush Justice. The Public Integrity Section’s corrupt practices were dramatically revealed in court proceedings relating to their prosecution of Republican Senator Ted Stevens, when an FBI agent filed a whistleblower complaint charging that Justice figures had engaged in some of the same corrupt practices with which they charged Stevens.
The judge supervising the case, Emmet G. Sullivan showed visible anger when he learned that the FBI agent had not been granted whistleblower protections. He suggested that he did not consider the representations made by the Public Integrity lawyers to be trustworthy and insisted instead that Michael B. Mukasey execute a comprehensive explanation for the Justice Department’s errant conduct in the case before leaving office. With fewer than eighteen hours remaining, Mukasey has not satisfied the judge’s order.
More from Scott Horton:
Conversation — March 30, 2016, 3:44 pm
Joseph Hickman discusses his new book, The Burn Pits, which tells the story of thousands of U.S. soldiers who, after returning from Iraq and Afghanistan, have developed rare cancers and respiratory diseases.
Freddie Gray’s relatives arrived for the trial in the afternoon, after the prep-school kids had left. By their dress, they seemed to have just gotten off work in the medical and clerical fields. The family did not appear at ease in the courtroom. They winced and dropped their heads as William Porter and his fellow officer Zachary Novak testified to opening the doors of their police van last April and finding Freddie paralyzed, unresponsive, with mucus pooling at his mouth and nose. Four women and one man mournfully listened as the officers described needing to get gloves before they could touch him.
The first of six Baltimore police officers to be brought before the court for their treatment of Freddie Gray, a black twenty-five-year-old whose death in their custody was the immediate cause of the city’s uprising last spring, William Porter is young, black, and on trial. Here in this courtroom, in this city, in this nation, race and the future seem so intertwined as to be the same thing.
Minimum number of cats fitted with high-tech listening equipment in a 1967 CIA project:
Zoologists suggested that apes and humans share an ancestor who laughed.
A former prison in Philadelphia that has served as a horror-movie set was being prepared as a detention center for protesters arrested at the upcoming Democratic National Convention, and presumptive Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump fired his campaign manager.
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“Matt was happy enough to sustain himself on the detritus of a world he saw as careening toward self-destruction, and equally happy to scam a government he despised. 'I’m glad everyone’s so wasteful,' he told me. 'It supports my lifestyle.'”