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For my book Turkmeniscam: How Washington Lobbyists Fought to Flack for a Stalinist Dictatorship, I posed as Kenneth Case, a businessman with energy interests in Turkmenistan. A number of beltway lobbyists I approached offered to represent that Central Asian country, and implement a PR campaign to help promote the Stalinist regime there to the American government and public.
Until he died in late-2006, President-for-Life Sapurmat Niyazov — the self-declared “Great Turkmenbashi” and easily a top-tenner on the list of the world’s major ruling lunatics of the post-World War II era – led Turkmenistan. He was replaced in a sham election by Kurbanguly Berdymukhamedov, the Turkmenbashi’s personal dentist. Despite that, two major Washington firms – Cassidy & Associates and APCO – told “Mr. Case” they’d be happy to sell the Turkmen regime in America. (Placing bids of $1.5 million per year and $400,000 per year, respectively).
My pitch was, of course, bogus, but now the Turkmen regime has recruited real help in Washington: the US-Turkmenistan Business Council, which is primarily funded by American oil companies (Chevron, ExxonMobil, Marathon) hoping to do business in the country. The staff includes Diana Sedney, a Chevron lobbyist, and David L. Goldwyn, a consultant to energy companies who served at the State Department under George H.W. Bush and at the Energy Department under Bill Clinton. (Goldwyn also heads up the US-Libya Business Association, an oil-endowed entity helping promote Colonel Muammar Gaddafi.)
The USTBC’s program includes “Briefings with staff members from relevant House and Senate offices”; “Lunches and dinners in honor of visiting dignitaries from Turkmenistan”; and to generally “educate the public about progressive changes in Turkmenistan.” But are there any “progressive” changes taking place in the country under the inspired leadership of its new ruling dentist?
Very little, based on news reports and independent observers. “Politically motivated harassment, detentions and imprisonments continue unabated in Turkmenistan despite the government’s promises to uphold human rights,” Amnesty International reported earlier this month. Turkmenistan remains “one of the most repressive and authoritarian states in the world,” Human Rights Watch said last fall. “Its policies and practices are anathema to European values.”
Abuses have also been detailed by the Turkmen Initiative for Human Rights, which is headed by Farid Tukhbatullin, a former political prisoner who now lives in Vienna. (Political opposition is forbidden in Turkmenistan, and the entire opposition lives in exile. One opposition figure returned to the country after Berdymukhamedov took power; he was arrested and sentenced to 11 years in prison.)
I met yesterday with Tukhbatullin, who is in Washington to see officials at the State Department, USAID, and a number of private organizations. (His visit was coordinated by the Open Society Institute.) “The new president talked about reforms, but it’s been mostly cosmetic,” he said. “All the schools feature his portraits and quotations from his speeches are prominently displayed. The education system is still mostly about ideological indoctrination.”
Tukhbatullin said he feared that the Obama administration would prioritize energy interests and national security over human rights, especially as Turkmenistan borders Iran and Afghanistan. He noted that General David Petraeus visited Turkmenistan earlier this year to “discuss issues of mutual interest”. Turkmenistan’s proximity to Afghanistan may be especially important, as Obama is ramping up the war effort there and it looks like the U.S. is about to lose access to a key air base in Kyrgyzstan.
Berdymukhamedov’s ascension to power has been an “emotional blow” to the exiled opposition, Tukhbatullin said. “Niyazov was very old and there was hope we could outlive him,” he said. “The new president is relatively young; he may outlive us.”
More from Ken Silverstein:
Perspective — October 23, 2013, 8:00 am
How pro-oil Louisiana politicians have shaped American environmental policy
Postcard — October 16, 2013, 8:00 am
A trip to one of the properties at issue in Louisiana’s oil-pollution lawsuits
I recently spent a semester teaching writing at an elite liberal-arts college. At strategic points around the campus, in shades of yellow and green, banners displayed the following pair of texts. The first was attributed to the college’s founder, which dates it to the 1920s. The second was extracted from the latest version of the institution’s mission statement:
The paramount obligation of a college is to develop in its students the ability to think clearly and independently, and the ability to live confidently, courageously, and hopefully.
Let us take a moment to compare these texts. The first thing to observe about the older one is that it is a sentence. It expresses an idea by placing concepts in relation to one another within the kind of structure that we call a syntax. It is, moreover, highly wrought: a parallel structure underscored by repetition, five adverbs balanced two against three.
Percentage of Britons who cannot name the city that provides the setting for the musical Chicago:
An Australian entrepreneur was selling oysters raised in tanks laced with Viagra.
A naked man believed to be under the influence of LSD rammed his pickup truck into two police cars.
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“Shelby is waiting for something. He himself does not know what it is. When it comes he will either go back into the world from which he came, or sink out of sight in the morass of alcoholism or despair that has engulfed other vagrants.”