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I posted an item last week about former House Majority Leader Richard Gephardt, who had been very pro-labor during his long tenure in Congress. I noted that he’s now a lobbyist at the Gephardt Group and that he had recently signed up to represent the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, which is a leading opponent of the Employee Free Choice Act, “which is the top legislative priority of Gephardt’s old friends in the labor movement.”
Catherine Goode of the Gephardt Group emailed to say that the firm had been “working for NBC and the Chamber’s coalition – a coalition that includes labor – for intellectual property enforcement and protection for over a year. Our work is not by any means anti-labor – they’re a member of the coalition.”
It’s called the Coalition Against Counterfeiting and Piracy and you can read more (including membership list) here. Last year the coalition worked on a bill that was signed into law – Prioritizing Resources and Organization for Intellectual Property Act of 2008 (aka “Pro IP bill), passed by UC in the Senate and under Suspension in the House. There were a zillion labor groups favoring the bill.
Fair enough. The item suggested that Gephardt might be working against the interests of labor and that looks not to be the case.
I still think Gephardt’s post-congressional career looks uncomfortably like that of Tom Daschle’s. (Among his current clients is Goldman Sachs; according to the disclosure form he’s offering a hand on TARP.) A 2007 account in CQ noted:
In 2003, Richard A. Gephardt cosponsored a resolution that put the “Armenian genocide” in company with the Holocaust and mass deaths in Cambodia and Rwanda. In 2000, the Missouri lawmaker backed a similar measure, and in a letter to then-Speaker J. Dennis Hastert, R-Ill., Gephardt said he was “committed to obtaining official U.S. government recognition of the Armenian genocide.”
Now Gephardt is a foreign agent lobbying on behalf of Turkey, and he’s got a different view of the world. He’s working to stymie the latest version of an Armenian genocide resolution.
For a broader look at Gephardt’s lobbying efforts, check out this article from the Washington Post.
Most people know that life after Congress can be very lucrative, and it certainly has been for Gephardt, 66, who just built a house in Sonoma County, Calif. But few people know what that work entails. In Gephardt’s case, it involves an astonishing array of projects. He has brokered labor settlements, cleared the way for corporate acquisitions, represented a foreign country and pushed for cutting-edge health programs — only some of which fit the stereotype of lobbying, the former lawmaker and his new colleagues say.
More from Ken Silverstein:
Perspective — October 23, 2013, 8:00 am
How pro-oil Louisiana politicians have shaped American environmental policy
Postcard — October 16, 2013, 8:00 am
A trip to one of the properties at issue in Louisiana’s oil-pollution lawsuits
For the past three years my dosimeter had sat silently on a narrow shelf just inside the door of a house in Tokyo, upticking its final digit every twenty-four hours by one or two, the increase never failing — for radiation is the ruthless companion of time. Wherever we are, radiation finds and damages us, at best imperceptibly. During those three years, my American neighbors had lost sight of the accident at Fukushima. In March 2011, a tsunami had killed hundreds, or thousands; yes, they remembered that. Several also recollected the earthquake that caused it, but as for the hydrogen explosion and containment breach at Nuclear Plant No. 1, that must have been fixed by now — for its effluents no longer shone forth from our national news. Meanwhile, my dosimeter increased its figure, one or two digits per day, more or less as it would have in San Francisco — well, a trifle more, actually. And in Tokyo, as in San Francisco, people went about their business, except on Friday nights, when the stretch between the Kasumigaseki and Kokkai-Gijido-mae subway stations — half a dozen blocks of sidewalk, which commenced at an antinuclear tent that had already been on this spot for more than 900 days and ended at the prime minister’s lair — became a dim and feeble carnival of pamphleteers and Fukushima refugees peddling handicrafts.
One Friday evening, the refugees’ half of the sidewalk was demarcated by police barriers, and a line of officers slouched at ease in the street, some with yellow bullhorns hanging from their necks. At the very end of the street, where the National Diet glowed white and strange behind other buildings, a policeman set up a microphone, then deployed a small video camera in the direction of the muscular young people in drums against fascists jackets who now, at six-thirty sharp, began chanting: “We don’t need nuclear energy! Stop nuclear power plants! Stop them, stop them, stop them! No restart! No restart!” The police assumed a stiffer stance; the drumming and chanting were almost uncomfortably loud. Commuters hurried past along the open space between the police and the protesters, staring straight ahead, covering their ears. Finally, a fellow in a shabby sweater appeared, and murmured along with the chants as he rounded the corner. He was the only one who seemed to sympathize; few others reacted at all.
Number of U.S. congressional districts in which trade with China has produced more jobs than it has cost:
Young bilingual children who learned one language first are likelier than monolingual children and bilingual children who learned languages simultaneously to say that a dog adopted by owls will hoot.
An Oklahoma legislative committee voted to defund Advanced Placement U.S. History courses, accusing the curriculum of portraying the United States as “a nation of oppressors and exploiters.”
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“He could be one of a million beach-bound, black-socked Florida retirees, not the man who, by some odd happenstance of life, possesses the brain of Albert Einstein — literally cut it out of the dead scientist's head.”