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The Senate Intelligence Committee’s summary of the approval process showed National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice and her legal counsel John Bellinger smack in the middle of the decisions to use waterboarding. Now comes the pushback, in the form of a narrative by Mark Mazzetti and Scott Shane in the New York Times. Mazzetti and Shane base their account on “interviews with more than a dozen former Bush Administration officials.” But reading through the chronology, one story seems to be absolutely focal–that of John Bellinger.
John B. Bellinger III, who, as the National Security Council’s top lawyer, played a role in discussions when the program was approved in 2002, by the next year had begun to research past, ill-fated British and Israeli discursions into torture and grew doubtful about the wisdom of the techniques. Mr. Bellinger shared his doubts with his boss, Ms. Rice, then the national security adviser, who began to reconsider her strong support for the program.
The Times chronicles a struggle over the proposed reintroduction of harsh techniques in which Rice-Bellinger prevailed in July 2007 with a decision that banned forced nudity and set stronger rules for sleep deprivation. The timing and circumstances of this account strike me as terribly self-serving.
It may still be an accurate portrayal of a battle inside the White House. But isn’t it odd that the struggle is portrayed so late? Where were Rice and Bellinger on the front end, in the NSC, when the initial spectrum of harsh measures was put through? Is it really credible for Rice to claim that she was not a decision maker, that her role was that of a glorified postmaster?
On the other hand, Steven G. Bradbury, the unconfirmed acting head of OLC during this period, is cast in a decidedly bad light. Even after the Supreme Court decision in Hamdan confirming the application of Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions, Bradbury was happy to give the green light to the whole palette of torture techniques other than waterboarding. The Times says that “some” officials were “shocked” by his 2006 memorandum. But who exactly? This is one of the points in which the Times is too coy with its sourcing. The whole relationship between the Bush White House and the Office of Legal Counsel badly needs to be fully exposed.
These disclosures serve to highlight the need for a commission that has full access to the NSC records and can interview all the participants. And they show the wisdom of Colin Powell in pointing to the need to get the NSC documents and get it all out on the record. Then some final conclusions can be drawn. Until then, count me among the skeptics.
More from Scott Horton:
Conversation — March 30, 2016, 3:44 pm
Joseph Hickman discusses his new book, The Burn Pits, which tells the story of thousands of U.S. soldiers who, after returning from Iraq and Afghanistan, have developed rare cancers and respiratory diseases.
The new docudrama The People v. O. J. Simpson: American Crime Story (FX) isn’t really about Orenthal James Simpson. It’s about the trials that ran alongside his — those informal, unboundaried, court-of-public-opinion trials in which evidence was heard for and against the murder victims, the defense and the prosecution, the judge, the jury, and the Los Angeles Police Department, to say nothing of white and black America. History has freed us from suspense about Simpson’s verdict, so that the man himself (played here by Cuba Gooding Jr.) is less the tragic hero he seemed in the mid-Nineties than a curiously minor character. He comes to the center of our attention only once, in Episode 2, at the end of the lengthy Ford Bronco chase scene — which in real life was followed by a surreal cavalcade of police cars and media helicopters, as well as an estimated 95 million live viewers — when Simpson repeatedly, and with apparent sincerity, apologizes for taking up so much of so many people’s time. It is an uncannily ordinary moment of social decorum, a sort of could-you-please-pass-the-salt gesture on a sinking Titanic, in which Simpson briefly becomes more than just an archetype.
Amount an auditor estimated last year that Oregon could save each year by feeding prisoners less food:
Kentucky is the saddest state.
An Italian economist was questioned on suspicion of terrorism after a fellow passenger on an American Airlines flight witnessed him writing differential equations on a pad of paper.
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“Matt was happy enough to sustain himself on the detritus of a world he saw as careening toward self-destruction, and equally happy to scam a government he despised. 'I’m glad everyone’s so wasteful,' he told me. 'It supports my lifestyle.'”