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On Sunday, the New York Times led with a story by Scott Shane and David Johnston entitled “U.S. Lawyers Agreed on Legality of Brutal Tactic.” Yesterday, the Washington Post’s Dan Froomkin posted “How Cheney Bent DOJ to His Will.” The two stories treat the same material, namely a series of internal emails authored in 2005 by then-Deputy Attorney General James Comey concerning a legal reassessment of aspects of the Bush program of intelligence interrogation. The materials had been disclosed by the Times with the publication of their story. But a reading of the two articles side-by-side is extremely revealing.
Froomkin puts the information in the context of the ongoing study of the process of how the Bush Administration introduced torture techniques as a matter of policy. The striking new disclosure in these materials is Alberto Gonzales’s admission that he was under strong pressure from Vice President Dick Cheney to provide legal cover for the torture techniques. Gonzales responded by passing this pressure straight down the line at Justice. This highlights a key question hovering over Gonzales’s term as attorney general: to what extent were his actions dictated to him by political figures in the White House? A special prosecutor, Nora Dannehy, is now studying aspects of that question and is believed to have Gonzales squarely in her sights.
Shane and Johnston, however, emphasize that “even some who believed that using tough tactics was a serious mistake agreed on a basic point: the methods themselves were legal.” They portray Comey, Jack Goldsmith, and other figures hitherto portrayed as anti-torture dissenters within the Department, as substantially sharing the legal analysis of the torture memo writers. There are two major problems with the Shane and Johnston analysis. First, the conclusions they reach cannot really be justified on the basis of a handful of highly informal email messages ripped from the context of a longer dialogue. They could only be reached after a complete study of the record surrounding the process by which the memos were prepared and issued. At this point we do not have the full documentary record, nor have we heard in any detail from the major participants. But looking at the documents that are available, the Shane and Johnston thesis strikes me as incorrect, indeed as an embarrassingly weak and naïve take on some complex bureaucratic infighting. Glenn Greenwald lays out a good deal of the balance of the documentary record and makes the case against Shane and Johnston here. But beyond this, some actions speak louder than documents, and in this case it is remarkable that a number of the dissenters, led by Comey and Goldsmith, reacted to the reconfirmation of the Bush torture program by leaving the Justice Department. That strikes me as a very important fact, which the Times writers don’t find worth a mention. Second, this information almost certainly came to the Times from John Yoo, Steven G. Bradbury, or Jay Bybee, who are the targets of an internal Justice Department ethics probe, or from persons close to them. Each of these individuals had access to the complete report and the documents it assembled. At the order of Michael B. Mukasey, who did everything in his power to spike and influence the report, they were to receive copies of the entire report in order to comment on it; indeed, again at Mukasey’s behest, Bradbury was even authorized to influence the report from inside the team that assembled it. The torture memo writers are eager to show that their views were in fact widely shared by lawyers inside the Justice Department and thus were not aberrational. It’s almost certain that one of them decided selectively to leak documents that would help make their case, in the process pushing the line they wanted the Times to run with. Shane and Johnston swallowed their line uncritically. In fact, there is a such a failure of critical detachment in the Times reporting that bad journalistic practice hardly begins to explain it. Rather, it looks like the reporters are consciously cultivating their sources by giving their story a furious spin that the torture camp will love.
Moreover, this is a second offense for the Shane and Johnston team. Back on May 6, they wrote “Interrogation Memos: Inquiry Suggests No Charges,” again working on the basis of information almost certainly furnished by the torture-memo writers and highlighting that the internal ethics report would not recommend criminal charges. That is accurate, and it is also completely misleading. The Office of Professional Responsibility, which prepared the report, does not have authority to assess and recommend criminal charges—that is reserved for other branches of the Justice Department. The Times had been spun vigorously. A similar example can be found in Eric Lichtblau’s article “No Charges Expected in Dismissal of Attorneys,” on the outcome of the internal investigation into the U.S. attorney’s scandal, in which he said that no criminal charges would result. This article was a pre-release effort to stem the damage from a harshly critical report, and it was, like the Shane and Johnston reports, technically correct and highly misleading. The Office of Professional Responsibility and Inspector General do not pass on criminal law accountability. They recommend that a special prosecutor be appointed to do that, and that’s just what happened. These examples all show why the New York Times has emerged as the torture team’s paper of choice for many years. No major paper is quite so prepared to put the news through the spin cycle for the benefit of its sources.
More from Scott Horton:
No Comment — November 4, 2013, 5:17 pm
An expert panel concludes that the Pentagon and the CIA ordered physicians to violate the Hippocratic Oath
No Comment — August 12, 2013, 7:55 am
How will the Obama Administration handle Edward Snowden’s case in the long term?
No Comment — July 29, 2013, 11:36 am
Is it possible to simply disband the partisan FISA court?
Fleming awoke in the dark and his room felt loose, sloshing so badly he gripped the bed. From his window there was nothing but a hallway, and if he craned his neck, a blown lightbulb swung into view. The room pitched up and down and for a moment he thought he might be sick. The word “hallway” must have a nautical name. Why didn’t they supply a glossary for this cruise? Probably they had, in the welcome packet he’d failed to read. A glossary. A history of the boat, which would be referred to as a ship. Sunny biographies of the captain and crew, who had always dreamed of this life. Lobotomized histories of the islands they’d visit. Who else had sailed this way. Famous suckwads from the past, slicing through this very water on wooden longships.
A welcome packet, the literary genre most likely to succeed in the new millennium. Why not read about a community you don’t belong to, that doesn’t actually exist, a captain and crew who are, in reality, if that isn’t too much of a downer on your vacation, as indifferent to one another as any set of co-employees at an office or bank? Read doctored personal statements from underpaid crew members — because ocean life pays better than money! — who hate their lives but have been forced to buy into the mythology of working on a boat, separated now from loved ones and friends, growing lonelier by the second, even while they wait on you and follow your every order.
Rank of Detroit among major U.S. cities whose residents give the largest portion of their income to charity:
A South Dakota researcher concluded that only scant blood spatter results when chain saws are used to dismember pigs.
Four people were arrested for using a remote-controlled hexacopter to fly two pounds of tobacco to prisoners inside the yard at Calhoun State Prison in Georgia.
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Our congratulations to Alice Munro, winner of the 2013 Nobel Prize for Literature