SIGN IN to access Harper’s Magazine
1. Sign in to Customer Care using your account number or postal address.
2. Select Email/Password Information.
3. Enter your new information and click on Save My Changes.
Subscribers can find additional help here. Not a subscriber? Subscribe today!
The mounting disclosures surrounding Blackwater and its extralegal relationships with the Central Intelligence Agency and the Joint Special Operations Command demonstrate ably the privileged role of private security contractors in the Bush era. This $100 billion dollar industry expanded dramatically in the last decade, largely as a result of the privatization of important aspects of U.S. national security. The heavy involvement of Blackwater in highly classified operations may explain why the Bush Administration was determined to immunize them and other security contractors from legal accountability: they “knew too much,” and a prosecution might lead to disclosure of operations the Bush team preferred to keep secret.
One of the emerging agenda items for the global community is the “responsibility to protect.” It posits that a government has a duty to its citizens, to protect them from acts of violence and terrorism, for instance, or to cope with destructive acts of nature such as hurricanes or a tsunami. If a government fails in this duty to protect its citizens, then the international community may have some collective obligation to step in to mitigate the worst abuses and help the civilian population. Private security contractors have long envisioned a growth industry for themselves in international peacekeeping and humanitarian intervention, so they have an investment in the expansion of “responsibility to protect” norms. But can this be reconciled with the doctrine of immunity for contractors in military operations that is part of the legacy of the Bush years?
I addressed this question in remarks made to an international gathering of law of war experts at the University of Turin in Italy on Thursday. My remarks can be examined here.
More from Scott Horton:
Conversation — March 30, 2016, 3:44 pm
Joseph Hickman discusses his new book, The Burn Pits, which tells the story of thousands of U.S. soldiers who, after returning from Iraq and Afghanistan, have developed rare cancers and respiratory diseases.
Freddie Gray’s relatives arrived for the trial in the afternoon, after the prep-school kids had left. By their dress, they seemed to have just gotten off work in the medical and clerical fields. The family did not appear at ease in the courtroom. They winced and dropped their heads as William Porter and his fellow officer Zachary Novak testified to opening the doors of their police van last April and finding Freddie paralyzed, unresponsive, with mucus pooling at his mouth and nose. Four women and one man mournfully listened as the officers described needing to get gloves before they could touch him.
The first of six Baltimore police officers to be brought before the court for their treatment of Freddie Gray, a black twenty-five-year-old whose death in their custody was the immediate cause of the city’s uprising last spring, William Porter is young, black, and on trial. Here in this courtroom, in this city, in this nation, race and the future seem so intertwined as to be the same thing.
Average speed of Heinz ketchup, from the mouth of an upended bottle, in miles per year:
After studying the fall of 64,000 individual raindrops, scientists found that some small raindrops fall faster than they ought to.
The Playboy mansion in California was bought by the heir to the Twinkie fortune, and a New Mexico man set fire to his apartment to protest his neighbors’ loud lovemaking.
Subscribe to the Weekly Review newsletter. Don’t worry, we won’t sell your email address!
“Matt was happy enough to sustain himself on the detritus of a world he saw as careening toward self-destruction, and equally happy to scam a government he despised. 'I’m glad everyone’s so wasteful,' he told me. 'It supports my lifestyle.'”