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At his SpyTalk blog at the Washington Post, Jeff Stein reports on why the congressional probe into the Manas fuel contracts has been stagnant. It seems that Red Star/Mina Corp., the shadowy London-based companies who are beneficiaries of roughly $1½ billion in Pentagon fuel contracts, were using their overseas registries to avoid complying with congressional queries—ultimately leading the Oversight Committee to issue formal subpoenas and involve the U.S. Marshalls. Now, Stein reports, the congressional investigators have a compliance agreement:
After weeks of tense negotiations, a House oversight subcommittee has gotten promises of cooperation from two secretive companies at the center of allegations regarding corruption in aviation fuel contracts at the big U.S. air base in Kyrgyzstan. The objects of the panel’s attention are Douglas Edelman, a Californian with extensive business experience in Moscow and Central Asia, and Erkin Bekbolotov, a Kyrgyz national. The men are partners in Red Star Enterprises and Mina Corp. Ltd, firms that were awarded sole-source, classified, $1.4 billion Defense Department contracts to supply fuel to Manas in 2002.
The companies’ dance with congressional investigators seems to have been motivated by their desire to avoid disclosing their beneficial ownership. In a press release, the companies have their lawyer state that their objective is “preserving the confidentiality of the companies’ operations and the privacy of its personnel.” The identity of the companies’ beneficial owners and the qualifications and experience of their key personnel would be right at the heart of any congressional probe.
Stein’s report marks the first appearance of Douglas Edelman in press accounts of the matter. He is tagged as a “Californian with extensive business experience in Moscow and Central Asia,” but the accuracy of that description must be tested by congressional investigators. Just exactly what are the commercial experience and credentials of Mr. Edelman and the rest of the Red Star/Mina Corp. team? What is their experience dealing with energy industry and fuel supply arrangements prior to these contracts? What was it about the Red Star/Mina Corp. team that justified this extraordinary series of DOD contract awards, in which the normal prime concern—an established track record—was completely disregarded? Neither the Pentagon nor the State Department has offered a plausible answer to that question.
There seems little doubt that these contracts as structured and implemented by DOD would have been exceptionally profitable to those who received them. DOD, with strong State Department backing, insisted on exemption from all taxes, customs, duties, and other government charges, not only for themselves but also for Red Star/Mina Corp. The holders of such contracts therefore figured to sweep in staggering profits at little risk. What is the relationship between the principals of these companies, and the beneficial owners of these companies, and the U.S. Government? Congress must nail this down with certitude. And it’s hard to understand why the answers to such questions should be concealed from the American public.
One of the major issues hanging over the government contracting process now is “capture”—the revolving door between government service and contractors, which leads to the writing of contracts that are unnecessary or commercially unfavorable to the taxpayer. In this case, a number of figures at Red Star/Mina Corp. appear to have been in government service just before Red Star/Mina Corp. emerged in this business line with a healthy portfolio of government fuel-supply contracts. These details need to be flushed out.
Jeff Stein’s source identifies for him the other obvious issue for Congress: “’The heart of the investigation,’ the source said, ‘is why Red Star and Mina Corp. were not investigated under’ the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, which forbids U.S. companies from paying bribes or kickbacks to foreign officials.” As I noted in congressional testimony, the Justice Department was fully informed about the contracts in 2005–06, established the links between those contracts and entities controlled by former President Akayev, and even froze his U.S. bank accounts. But it evaded all queries about Red Star/Mina Corp. when investigators for Kyrgyzstan asked about their role. This points to something very screwy in the Justice Department’s interpretation and application of the FCPA.
More from Scott Horton:
Six Questions — October 18, 2014, 8:00 pm
Nathaniel Raymond on CIA interrogation techniques.
Mark Denbeaux on the NCIS cover-up of three “suicides” at Guantánamo Bay Detention Camp
From the June 2014 issue
For the past three years my dosimeter had sat silently on a narrow shelf just inside the door of a house in Tokyo, upticking its final digit every twenty-four hours by one or two, the increase never failing — for radiation is the ruthless companion of time. Wherever we are, radiation finds and damages us, at best imperceptibly. During those three years, my American neighbors had lost sight of the accident at Fukushima. In March 2011, a tsunami had killed hundreds, or thousands; yes, they remembered that. Several also recollected the earthquake that caused it, but as for the hydrogen explosion and containment breach at Nuclear Plant No. 1, that must have been fixed by now — for its effluents no longer shone forth from our national news. Meanwhile, my dosimeter increased its figure, one or two digits per day, more or less as it would have in San Francisco — well, a trifle more, actually. And in Tokyo, as in San Francisco, people went about their business, except on Friday nights, when the stretch between the Kasumigaseki and Kokkai-Gijido-mae subway stations — half a dozen blocks of sidewalk, which commenced at an antinuclear tent that had already been on this spot for more than 900 days and ended at the prime minister’s lair — became a dim and feeble carnival of pamphleteers and Fukushima refugees peddling handicrafts.
One Friday evening, the refugees’ half of the sidewalk was demarcated by police barriers, and a line of officers slouched at ease in the street, some with yellow bullhorns hanging from their necks. At the very end of the street, where the National Diet glowed white and strange behind other buildings, a policeman set up a microphone, then deployed a small video camera in the direction of the muscular young people in drums against fascists jackets who now, at six-thirty sharp, began chanting: “We don’t need nuclear energy! Stop nuclear power plants! Stop them, stop them, stop them! No restart! No restart!” The police assumed a stiffer stance; the drumming and chanting were almost uncomfortably loud. Commuters hurried past along the open space between the police and the protesters, staring straight ahead, covering their ears. Finally, a fellow in a shabby sweater appeared, and murmured along with the chants as he rounded the corner. He was the only one who seemed to sympathize; few others reacted at all.
Number of U.S. congressional districts in which trade with China has produced more jobs than it has cost:
Young bilingual children who learned one language first are likelier than monolingual children and bilingual children who learned languages simultaneously to say that a dog adopted by owls will hoot.
An Oklahoma legislative committee voted to defund Advanced Placement U.S. History courses, accusing the curriculum of portraying the United States as “a nation of oppressors and exploiters.”
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