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I was skeptical this past spring when the Obama White House reversed course on Libya. One day it was resolved not to intervene, following advice from Secretary of Defense Robert Gates and his generals about the foolishness of opening up a third war in the Middle East. The next, Obama was announcing U.S. support for a military operation to protect Libya’s civilian populace from their crazed dictator.
I was even more critical of the process Obama followed: not going to Congress for authorization, skirting the War Powers Resolution, and seeking a Security Council resolution that didn’t match the operations the U.S. and its NATO allies were actually putting in place. My views were fueled by a lifetime of experience with Washington politicians who understate the cost and level of commitment required for military adventures. But with the operations now concluded, it is important to acknowledge that Obama was scrupulous in keeping America’s participation within the limits he described, and that his strategy achieved the desired result in a reasonable time period and at a modest cost. Libya was a significant foreign-policy success for Obama and his team.
On the other hand, Obama took a series of unfortunate shortcuts with U.S. and international law in order to achieve this success. However effective the tactics that toppled Qaddafi may have been, they stretched far beyond the mandate agreed upon by the Security Council. As I argue in this piece for Foreign Policy, this is bad news for the people in Damascus and Hama, as well as for advocates of the notion of responsibility to protect. Obama’s Nobel Prize acceptance speech promised a new kind of leadership, anchored in respect for the rule of law in general and international law in particular. We’re still waiting for some proof that he meant it.
More from Scott Horton:
No Comment — November 4, 2013, 5:17 pm
An expert panel concludes that the Pentagon and the CIA ordered physicians to violate the Hippocratic Oath
No Comment — August 12, 2013, 7:55 am
How will the Obama Administration handle Edward Snowden’s case in the long term?
No Comment — July 29, 2013, 11:36 am
Is it possible to simply disband the partisan FISA court?
Fleming awoke in the dark and his room felt loose, sloshing so badly he gripped the bed. From his window there was nothing but a hallway, and if he craned his neck, a blown lightbulb swung into view. The room pitched up and down and for a moment he thought he might be sick. The word “hallway” must have a nautical name. Why didn’t they supply a glossary for this cruise? Probably they had, in the welcome packet he’d failed to read. A glossary. A history of the boat, which would be referred to as a ship. Sunny biographies of the captain and crew, who had always dreamed of this life. Lobotomized histories of the islands they’d visit. Who else had sailed this way. Famous suckwads from the past, slicing through this very water on wooden longships.
A welcome packet, the literary genre most likely to succeed in the new millennium. Why not read about a community you don’t belong to, that doesn’t actually exist, a captain and crew who are, in reality, if that isn’t too much of a downer on your vacation, as indifferent to one another as any set of co-employees at an office or bank? Read doctored personal statements from underpaid crew members — because ocean life pays better than money! — who hate their lives but have been forced to buy into the mythology of working on a boat, separated now from loved ones and friends, growing lonelier by the second, even while they wait on you and follow your every order.
Number of people stopped and frisked by the NYPD in 2011 for “furtive movements”:
The faces of Lego people were growing angrier.
Four people were arrested for using a remote-controlled hexacopter to fly two pounds of tobacco to prisoners inside the yard at Calhoun State Prison in Georgia.
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Our congratulations to Alice Munro, winner of the 2013 Nobel Prize for Literature