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The testimony before Congress, or the lack thereof, by various Bush administration officials is beginning to seem a mockery of the concept of “congressional oversight.” Yesterday, the House Judiciary Committee issued contempt citations for Harriet Miers and Josh Bolten. Alberto Gonzales, meanwhile, actually appeared before the Senate Judiciary, but it’s unclear if his testimony was more meaningful than any testimony at all. Perhaps Gonzales should have just taken Miers’s and Bolten’s lead and stayed home.
Media outlets have caught on to a serious discrepancy between Gonzales’ testimony and information provided by documents from the National Intelligence Director’s office. The major issue discussed at the hearing yesterday concerned a visit Gonzales and then-White House Chief of Staff Andy Card made in 2004 to then-Attorney General John Ashcroft as he rested at George Washington University Hospital in downtown Washington, D.C., recovering from gallbladder surgery. Earlier in the night, Gonzales and Card had met with congressional leaders about an unspecified program and claimed to have gotten a consensus for renewing it. But when they spoke with Ashcroft, he deferred to Jim Comey, the Deputy Attorney General to whom Ashcroft had handed power while he recovered. Comey, who later testified that he thought Gonzales and Card had tried to take advantage of a sick Ashcroft, was opposed to the program.
The question, however, concerns which program was discussed that night in 2004. Gonzales claimed that it was an unnamed, highly classified intelligence program that was not the “Terrorist Surveillance Program (TSP),” an initiative that allowed the government to eavesdrop on suspects in the US without oversight. But documents unearthed by the AP directly contradict Gonzales’ testimony:
A four-page memo from the national intelligence director’s office says the White House briefing with the eight lawmakers on March 10, 2004, was about the terror surveillance program, or TSP.
The memo, dated May 17, 2006, and addressed to then-House Speaker Dennis Hastert, details “the classification of the dates, locations, and names of members of Congress who attended briefings on the Terrorist Surveillance Program,” wrote then-Director of National Intelligence John Negroponte . . .
The documents underscore questions about Gonzales’ credibility as senators consider whether a perjury investigation should be opened into conflicting accounts about the program and a dramatic March 2004 confrontation leading up to its potentially illegal reauthorization.
Either the NID documents are in error, or Gonzales has been caught in yet another perjury before the committee. All this is not to mention the fact that Gonzales sought out the ailing attorney general in his hospital room, a tactless move that does seem to match Comey’s description of the events as an attempt to take advantage of Ashcroft. But where does Gonzales’ credibility now stand?
Of all government officials, the Attorney General should know best the importance of oversight within the government, the seriousness of perjury, and the consequences of misleading Congress. As the chief legal officer of the United States, he is charged with maintaining law and order in the land. But Gonzales–”Fredo”–holds his loyalty to the Executive dearer than his fidelity to his duties as a lawyer and his responsibilities to the American people. When things are so topsy-turvy at the top, accountability is the way to right the system. If the charges against Gonzales are substantiated, more contempt citations should be on the way.
More from Scott Horton:
Six Questions — October 18, 2014, 8:00 pm
Nathaniel Raymond on CIA interrogation techniques.
Mark Denbeaux on the NCIS cover-up of three “suicides” at Guantánamo Bay Detention Camp
From the June 2014 issue
For the past three years my dosimeter had sat silently on a narrow shelf just inside the door of a house in Tokyo, upticking its final digit every twenty-four hours by one or two, the increase never failing — for radiation is the ruthless companion of time. Wherever we are, radiation finds and damages us, at best imperceptibly. During those three years, my American neighbors had lost sight of the accident at Fukushima. In March 2011, a tsunami had killed hundreds, or thousands; yes, they remembered that. Several also recollected the earthquake that caused it, but as for the hydrogen explosion and containment breach at Nuclear Plant No. 1, that must have been fixed by now — for its effluents no longer shone forth from our national news. Meanwhile, my dosimeter increased its figure, one or two digits per day, more or less as it would have in San Francisco — well, a trifle more, actually. And in Tokyo, as in San Francisco, people went about their business, except on Friday nights, when the stretch between the Kasumigaseki and Kokkai-Gijido-mae subway stations — half a dozen blocks of sidewalk, which commenced at an antinuclear tent that had already been on this spot for more than 900 days and ended at the prime minister’s lair — became a dim and feeble carnival of pamphleteers and Fukushima refugees peddling handicrafts.
One Friday evening, the refugees’ half of the sidewalk was demarcated by police barriers, and a line of officers slouched at ease in the street, some with yellow bullhorns hanging from their necks. At the very end of the street, where the National Diet glowed white and strange behind other buildings, a policeman set up a microphone, then deployed a small video camera in the direction of the muscular young people in drums against fascists jackets who now, at six-thirty sharp, began chanting: “We don’t need nuclear energy! Stop nuclear power plants! Stop them, stop them, stop them! No restart! No restart!” The police assumed a stiffer stance; the drumming and chanting were almost uncomfortably loud. Commuters hurried past along the open space between the police and the protesters, staring straight ahead, covering their ears. Finally, a fellow in a shabby sweater appeared, and murmured along with the chants as he rounded the corner. He was the only one who seemed to sympathize; few others reacted at all.
Number of U.S. congressional districts in which trade with China has produced more jobs than it has cost:
Young bilingual children who learned one language first are likelier than monolingual children and bilingual children who learned languages simultaneously to say that a dog adopted by owls will hoot.
An Oklahoma legislative committee voted to defund Advanced Placement U.S. History courses, accusing the curriculum of portraying the United States as “a nation of oppressors and exploiters.”
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