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On Sunday we were offered more Washington Post editorial page brilliance by David Broder. In “The War Recovery?” Broder looks beyond the looming Republican takeover of Congress to ask how Obama can get reelected in 2012. He recommends that Obama join arms with the new Republican Congress and maneuver the country to its third war in the CENTCOM theater—this time against Iran.
War and peace influence the economy. Look back at FDR and the Great Depression. What finally resolved that economic crisis? World War II.
Here is where Obama is likely to prevail. With strong Republican support in Congress for challenging Iran’s ambition to become a nuclear power, he can spend much of 2011 and 2012 orchestrating a showdown with the mullahs. This will help him politically because the opposition party will be urging him on. And as tensions rise and we accelerate preparations for war, the economy will improve.
This column offers some of the strongest evidence yet of the moral depravity and sheer nuttiness that populates Fred Hiatt’s editorial page. Broder’s claim that World War II “resolved the economic crisis” rests on the fact that the economic crisis ended during the war, which is far from proof that the war ended the crisis (Matthew Yglesias gives an alternate view here). Moreover, Broder misses the relationship between the current economic crisis and war spending. Nobel Prize-winning economist and Harper’s contributor Joseph Stiglitz, for instance, who put the cost of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan during the Bush years alone at $3 trillion, linked those costs to the severe recession that the United States experienced starting in 2008.
The case of Britain in World War II also offers lessons different from the one discerned by Broder. Britain engaged in heavy deficit spending to finance the war and then found itself enmeshed in colonial struggles after the war. The consequences were devastating for the British economy—Keynes alluded to it as a “financial Dunkirk”–and it took a generation for Britain to recover. Keynes, the great war economist of the last century, who hastened to refute appeasement politics and embraced the need for the Second World War, also offered some specific words of caution about our tendency to underassess costs and overassess benefits of war.
There may be good reasons for some future military action by the United States in the Middle East, but it is an insult to our intelligence and our values as a nation to suggest that boosting the economy is one of them. Broder’s column shows how little the Beltway punditry has learned from one of the nation’s most ill-considered foreign ventures in recent memory.
More from Scott Horton:
Six Questions — October 18, 2014, 8:00 pm
Nathaniel Raymond on CIA interrogation techniques.
Mark Denbeaux on the NCIS cover-up of three “suicides” at Guantánamo Bay Detention Camp
From the June 2014 issue
For the past three years my dosimeter had sat silently on a narrow shelf just inside the door of a house in Tokyo, upticking its final digit every twenty-four hours by one or two, the increase never failing — for radiation is the ruthless companion of time. Wherever we are, radiation finds and damages us, at best imperceptibly. During those three years, my American neighbors had lost sight of the accident at Fukushima. In March 2011, a tsunami had killed hundreds, or thousands; yes, they remembered that. Several also recollected the earthquake that caused it, but as for the hydrogen explosion and containment breach at Nuclear Plant No. 1, that must have been fixed by now — for its effluents no longer shone forth from our national news. Meanwhile, my dosimeter increased its figure, one or two digits per day, more or less as it would have in San Francisco — well, a trifle more, actually. And in Tokyo, as in San Francisco, people went about their business, except on Friday nights, when the stretch between the Kasumigaseki and Kokkai-Gijido-mae subway stations — half a dozen blocks of sidewalk, which commenced at an antinuclear tent that had already been on this spot for more than 900 days and ended at the prime minister’s lair — became a dim and feeble carnival of pamphleteers and Fukushima refugees peddling handicrafts.
One Friday evening, the refugees’ half of the sidewalk was demarcated by police barriers, and a line of officers slouched at ease in the street, some with yellow bullhorns hanging from their necks. At the very end of the street, where the National Diet glowed white and strange behind other buildings, a policeman set up a microphone, then deployed a small video camera in the direction of the muscular young people in drums against fascists jackets who now, at six-thirty sharp, began chanting: “We don’t need nuclear energy! Stop nuclear power plants! Stop them, stop them, stop them! No restart! No restart!” The police assumed a stiffer stance; the drumming and chanting were almost uncomfortably loud. Commuters hurried past along the open space between the police and the protesters, staring straight ahead, covering their ears. Finally, a fellow in a shabby sweater appeared, and murmured along with the chants as he rounded the corner. He was the only one who seemed to sympathize; few others reacted at all.
Number of U.S. congressional districts in which trade with China has produced more jobs than it has cost:
Young bilingual children who learned one language first are likelier than monolingual children and bilingual children who learned languages simultaneously to say that a dog adopted by owls will hoot.
An Oklahoma legislative committee voted to defund Advanced Placement U.S. History courses, accusing the curriculum of portraying the United States as “a nation of oppressors and exploiters.”
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